On the GI Antiwar Beat      


 #1        Once Jeff launched his paper Vietnam GI (VGI) in early ’68,

 he began making trips out of Chicago to military bases around the

 country, spreading news of the paper and seeking material for future

 issues. He was especially looking for returning Vietnam GIs who had

 seen combat and had stories to tell.
             
He often traveled with Jim Wallihan, his close friend
from  
Indiana University, who had come up to Chicago to help Jeff with VGI. For instance, when they were in the Washington DC area, they went out to nearby Fort Meade and Fort Belvedere. Another time they hit bases in the Midwest, including Chanute Air Force Base in Illinois and the big infantry training base, Fort Leonard Wood, Missouri. Jim explains the modus operandi of those visits.

On the Road With Jim

             The base trips were multi-purpose, the focus was on the newspaper and networking. This meant hooking up with GIs who were into something, had been, or were prospectively into something, and were interested in VGIAnd if the guy had an experience [in Vietnam], maybe doing an interview.
            We were looking at things like, would this be a good base to drop some papers on so the GI we’d hooked up with could distribute VGI, are there any stories there we could use in the next issue, is there anything we can learn about the unit, and are a lot of people being shipped out to Nam?
           There was one other visit Jeff and I made. After we checked out Fort Leonard Wood, we headed down to St Louis. There was a guy named Dave Meggyesy, an all-star linebacker, who played pro football for the St Louis Cardinals, and he was anti-war.

           Meggyesy got a lot of national notoriety when he came out with his book, Out of Their League, about the super-patriotism of the NFL and the way the league abused players and used them up. I think he also worked in some anti-war stuff. So Jeff and I stopped by that summer of ’68 and spent a couple of hours to lighten things up, just laughing with Meggyesy and his wife.
            Here’s a guy who  sounded like he had his head on right, and he was going around doing some anti-war speaking. We wanted to maybe work him into the paper because you know a guy like that, a professional football player, has a certain amount of cachet.

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 #2         Vietnam GI (VGI), Jeff’s paper, gave impetus to an emerging but inchoate GI opposition to the war. The Pentagon’s initial reaction to protests was harsh – an Army doctor sent to prison for three years for refusing to train Special Forces for Vietnam and two Black Marines given long sentences for merely questioning deployment to Vietnam – but the threat of military justice as the hoped for deterrent did not deter.

            Individual acts of resistance continued to occur. Then in early ‘68 came VGI which shaped and focused GI protest and served as a forerunner to the rise of underground papers at base camps stateside and abroad. By ’69, the military reluctantly came to terms with protest in the ranks by formulating a policy within First Amendment rights under the Constitution. The ensuing guidelines for commanding officers dealt with the phenomenon of dissent in a more nuanced and less draconic manner, especially the burgeoning GI antiwar press.

Department of Defense Directive
Guidelines for Handling Dissident and Protest Activities
Among Members of the Armed Forces

        2. While the mere possession of unauthorized printed material may not be prohibited, printed material which is prohibited from distribution shall be impounded if the Commander determines that an attempt will be made to distribute.

        3. The fact that a publication is critical of Government policies or officials is not, in itself, a ground upon which distribution may be prohibited. 

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 #3         The Trotskyist Socialist Workers Party (SWP) was quite active in the GI antiwar movement. They fielded a candidate in the 1968 presidential race, not with the idea they could win, but mainly to project their program to a wider audience. Opposition to the war was a central feature of their platform.

Fred Halstead

           A massive 6’6”, 350-pound ex-garment worker, Fred Halstead was a longtime member of the SWP leadership cadre. In ’68, he was the party’s presidential candidate. Opposition to the war was a central feature of SWP’s platform. Halstead considered GI antiwar papers as key vehicles for developing GI resistance and wrote that the “most influential [paper] in the early period was Vietnam GI, published in Chicago by Vietnam veteran Jeff Sharlet.”

  In connection with his summer campaign swing visiting US military bases in the Far East, he and Jeff met in Kyoto, Japan. Both had been invited to speak at a Japanese peace conference. In his later memoir on the antiwar movement, Out Now!, Fred Halstead wrote of meeting Jeff, pointing out that while Jeff did not share his political views, both men had advised the Japanese antiwar people not to continue encouraging GI desertions, but instead to urge dissident GIs to remain in the ranks as internal activists against the war. Fred Halstead died in 1988.

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#4        As the Vietnam War grew in intensity, the Johnson administration tasked the FBI to keep an eye on the rising antiwar opposition, which was generally considered subversive by official Washington. By the third issue of Jeff’s Vietnam GI, the FBI took note.

                            It Is of a Seditious Nature

           An FBI memorandum from J Edgar Hoover to the FBI field office in Chicago ordered an immediate investigation of people working for Vietnam GI, published in Chicago. The directive of May 3, 1968 states: ‘A review of the attached edition of Vietnam GI indicates that it is of a seditious nature’.

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#5        One of the most notable personalities of the antiwar period was Maria  McDonald Jolas, the grande dame of the American expat community in Paris. She was of an old Kentucky family that traced its roots back to Jefferson. Maria had first gone to Berlin and Paris to study music in the early 20th century and returned home, but by the 1920s had made the City of Light her home. She married a European-American, Eugène Jolas, a literary figure of the interwar period, whom she had met in the US.

           The two of them met and befriended the impoverished James Joyce in the ‘20s and played an important role in the last decade or so of his life and career. Upon his death, they became his literary executors. During the Vietnam War, Maria organized a group of American expats against the war. Mary Jo, aka ‘June’, Van Ingen was part of Maria’s social and political circle. Her daughter Cora, a composer, remembered Maria Jolas.

A Grand Old Dame 

          Maria Jolas – Grande dame yes, and my memory is of a ‘grand old dame’ as Brits would say. Always very jolly! Thick wavy white hair, lively blue eyes, a ruddy pink complexion (as of someone outdoors a lot, tho I doubt she was, and Paris air doesn’t usually favor healthy ruddy complexions). She was big and heavyset and filled the space of the fauteuil she usually was seated on.

          She paid little attention to me. But she was entertaining, telling stories, laughing a lot and bursting into song. As regards my kid’s perception, she wasn’t vaguely antagonistic like Sonia Orwell, who also smiled and laughed a lot and told stories (minus the songs). I would listen a while and then go back to my own world.

           Anyway, I can tell you Maria and June always had fun together and usually a few whiskies, too.

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#6       Dave said that VGI  was really atypical for a left project. Most left committees aren’t formed with any goal. Say, it’s a Save South Africa committee – it doesn’t really matter what happens in South Africa, the purpose of the committee is to simply recruit people to the left, and as for the rest of it, who cares.

Stop the War

            Jeff was absolutely focused – he wanted to help guys in the military revolt. And he wanted to stop the war. And end the whole thing. And he wasn’t interested in the usual left project.

           For example, a Trotskyist group had a GI paper and formed the American Servicemen’s Union; a major part of the paper’s content was old left rhetoric, its leader a self-proclaimed Communist. That’s a typical left thing. Jeff wasn’t interested in that kind of thing.

           Jeff’s goals are simply inconceivable in today’s mindset. He actually just wanted to get the army to revolt and then end the war. That’s all he wanted to do.

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#7      While Andy Stapp of The Bond was a hound for national media attention, Jeff kept a low profile and ducked it.

He Would Not Cooperate

        Jeff would never sit for media interviews. Esquire was never going to do a piece on Jeff. Ever. Because he would not cooperate. Because his position was, he really thought we could destroy the military in Vietnam.

        When Washington figured that people were really doing this, that it was actually happening, who knows what could happen. They could get angry with people like us. In which case Jeff didn’t want to be the person who was …

        He was perfectly content that other people were the big leaders of things. That was fine with him.

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#8        According to DK, Jeff consciously developed a persona to facilitate his work with returning combat GIs, mostly working class guys.

Like Steve McQueen

           Jeff genuinely knew who he was, but he was very self-aware of creating himself. He was like Steve McQueen. He had a certain – to say it’s an act makes it too shallow. But he had a working class persona worked out. It wasn’t phony, it was a how he wanted to be kinda thing.

           He crafted a certain persona that was very street. I always think of Steve McQueen because it was exactly the same kind of thing. Clint Eastwood did it too. Steve McQueen actually told Dustin Hoffman or some other young actor, ‘Quit talking so much. Let them do the talking. Let everyone around you do the talking. You don’t talk. Everyone has to look to you because you’re the person that hasn’t said anything, hasn’t given your opinion’.

           I don’t think Jeff was imitating Steve McQueen, but he was just like that. I saw Jeff in a lot of discussions with university radicals with lots of theories and facts, and they actually KNEW a lot, but they’d just go on and on. Jeff would just nod, wouldn’t say anything.

           Jeff could be in a room with all this political stuff raging, he wouldn’t say a thing. Lots of times. He wouldn’t say anything, unless sometimes in discussions there was a tipping point. ‘How do you resolve it?’ And somebody will say ONE thing and it will crystallize everything. See, that’s what Jeff could do.

           Sometimes he’d just say, ‘This is bullshit. What we’re talking about is bullshit. This isn’t real. Never going to happen. Can’t do it this way. So we’d better think about what we’re really going to do instead of having this talk’. I’ve actually been to two or three meetings where Jeff said that, to a whole room full of people.

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#9     The word ‘charisma’ came up again and again, especially in my interviews with IU people about Jeff. DK too shared the idea.

He Had the Goods

           Jeff was very charismatic. He had a LOT of, you know, he had the goods. To make it really simple, he was the only guy in the room who’s been to Nam, and everybody else is trying to organize students (laughs) at Harvard or Chicago, and he was talking to guys in Nam. And talking to guys on the bases here who’d BEEN to Nam. So, ok, you don’t like what he has to say, fine.

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#10     When Jeff started VGI, he initially drew upon Veterans for Peace, then affiliated with the Communist Party for his first mailing list and generally for help, but it didn’t work out.

This Isn’t Going to Work

          Jeff was in the left, but he wasn’t OF the left, culturally. He really thought a different way. So the Vets for Peace thing, after a while he said, ‘This isn’t going to work. CP runs it, it’s all these old guys, they’re nice enough, BUT, they’re like a dead letter. Never going to happen’.

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#11     Jeff saw the student radicals basically organizing middle class people to do middle class things. That’s was fine, but not his thing. He zeroed in on the working class Vietnam GIs.

He Used Silence a Lot

          Jeff shaped himself. A lot of middle class white guys tried to talk to redneck GIs and didn’t get that far. But on politics, Jeff could do it because he could sound inarticulate. He could sound like he was letting you do the talking. He used silence a lot.

          His whole shtick was really different. It was one of those things that made him charismatic. It was that he withheld his opinion, like Clint Eastwood. This whole meeting is going on, this whole discussion, and nobody knows what Jeff’s going to say.

          Because he’s not dogging you every five minutes, telling you to do this or that. He’s just not doing that at all. He’s just looking at you. Watching you do whatever you do. Clearly, he’s not impressed with it (laughs). He’s not applauding or anything.

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 #12     Jeff objected to the antiwar movement’s initial hostility toward the VN GI, or at best its indifference to his fate. As he reinvented himself to present more of a ‘street’ persona, he strongly identified with the VN GIs, many of them drafted, while others were unable to avail themselves of college deferments. 

He’s One of Them

           Jeff was pissed about it. So when he’s talking about objectifying GIs and all this stuff, this isn’t some humanitarian impulse on his part, this is something he feels part of. He’s one of them, the guys in Nam, the working class.

          He’s one of THEM. He’s not one of the middle class people in the universities. He definitely felt that. That’s why he couldn’t work with them once he left college. Once he decided he really wanted to do this, he had to find somebody different. DK

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#13       Jeff and Dave had been critical of certain big names in the movement whom they dubbed ‘ego trippers’. Those were smart, even in some cases gifted people, but their priority was self-aggrandizement. Jesse Jackson was but one example of the phenomenon.

Destroy the Military

            Jeff was the opposite. He was totally committed to his mission. He wasn’t into protesting the war. If you’d said that to him, he woulda laughed. He was NOT into that. He literally wanted to end the war and destroy the military. Fuck it up.

  He wanted to completely fuck it up. He wanted to free all the guys who were imprisoned in the military. He wanted the revolution to start in the military. He didn’t think America was going to be socialist in five years or any of that kind of stuff – he had no illusions.

  He thought that those guys in the military are so screwed over, so used, so lied to, they’re like the bottom of society. Really the bottom. And they just need help freeing themselves. Tearing it all down. Fucking it all up.

        Q: But they’re not going to make some socialist utopia?

        A: No.

        Q: What they gonna do?

        A: He didn’t know that, but it’s not like there’s a big program: Step 1, we’ll fuck it up; Step 2 ….

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#14     Jeff-2 asked Dave K if he and Jeff had political disputes.

I’m Really a Person of the Left

          We had very few. We did have them, but Jeff wasn’t ideologically left the way most people are. That’s why I say he was in the left, but he wasn’t of the left.

           I’m really a person of the left. All the little feuds, the animosities, the slights of 20 years ago. I know all this. Ingrown knowledge, feuds, but also a little community.

           Jeff was totally uninterested in that. It’s one of the things that gave him a different kind of authority. He wasn’t a super leftist. In some ways, he wasn’t a leftist at all. He just wanted to kinda destroy the US military and get them defeated and end the war.

           And he admired the VN communists, not because he thought they were nice people – he didn’t – though he thought there were good people among them just like there are in every army.

           He liked them because they were pros. They were professionals. We used to talk about that. That they really knew what they were doing. What they were doing was probably the best thing for VN. Certainly the US occupation wasn’t the best thing for VN, so they were a much better alternative.

           Even though Jeff didn’t believe in some utopia, the left was going to have somewhere to go. He totally was not into that. He didn’t care about it. He wouldn’t even argue about it with you. His thing was, well you thought that? That’s your problem.

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#15     Running VGI was a very demanding job. It would have been physically challenging for someone in good health, which Jeff wasn’t. He was plagued by something – he didn’t know what – that he’d brought back from VN.

Being Sick Shadowed Everything

           Jeff’s being sick shadowed everything. Because he was exhausted all the time. He’d have to speak someplace, he’d have to fundraise, go to a rally. He was exhausted. And Jeff was completely resistant to seeing doctors.

           I remember he fought the whole idea. Kit had to almost force him to see a doctor about what eventually became his final illness. I remember they would have fights about it.

          It was evident to Kit that this wasn’t normal fatigue. She was really good on diagnostic stuff. She really argued with Jeff. Raging fights about it. She just nagged his ass. I remember him saying, well I don’t have any money. She’d say, go to the VA. They owe you, you do it.

          That shadowed all his plans, the way he talked about things.

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#16     Because of Jeff’s stature in emerging GI antiwar protest, people on the left were frequently trying to coopt him into their activities.

He Had a Lot of Credibility

           Jeff was charismatic, partly because he didn’t talk a lot of bullshit. When he spoke to a group, he never padded his remarks, zero, if his talk ran only seven minutes, it’d be seven minutes.

           He had a lot of credibility in the antiwar movement. He wasn’t a good leader, but he had a LOT of credibility. A lot of people would sign on to something if he said we should do it. Which he rarely did.

           So the whole thing of him getting manipulated and used was a real fact that we struggled with all the time.

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#17       Jeff avoided publicity. He felt if you were taking on the US government, there was no point in getting in their face and drawing undue attention.

A Pretty Cautious Dude

            Jeff didn’t like phonies. One of the reasons he had a good rep was that you weren’t going to hear a lot of claims from Jeff that weren’t substantiated. Probably weren’t going to hear a lot of claims at all.

          He was just going to kind of lay out the trail and you could figure it out if you wanted to. The whole thing of holding lots of press conferences so they could photograph you, he thought that was stupid.

  Because either you thought nothing was going to happen – in which case why are you doing it – or you’re a complete idiot. Because if you’re really talking about destroying the effectiveness of the US military, people are going to kill for this. It’s one or the other.

  Jeff was a pretty cautious dude.

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#18     Jeff, Dave, and Jim lived a semi-underground life. They lived day to day in a kind of bubble shaped by the war.

The War Was Swallowing up Everything

   The war was swallowing up everything. We had an exaggerated view of the war. Now, today, it’s just a war. America’s had a lot of wars, right. DK 

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#19     Dave K was hard left; Jeff was definitely not, yet they worked together very effectively.

He Was Pretty Disinterested

           Jeff knew that my own political views differed from his, but he was pretty disinterested, particularly since we were so busy trying to turn the world of government bureaucracies upside down.

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#20     Francis Rocks was one of the ex-Vietnam guys Jeff lined up for his VGI editorial advisory committee.

Alienated by the Peace Movement

           VVAW was founded in June ’67 and has 31 chapters across the country as of June ‘68. However, according to its national field secretary, a former Signal Corps sergeant, named Francis Rocks, its nationwide membership totals only about 200.

           Rocks says he and other members have been alienated by the peace movement because of some of its tactics. ‘I got my head bashed in and was arrested during Stop the Draft Week in New York last December’, recalls Rocks, a high school dropout who works on and off as a truck driver.

           ‘I believe in peaceful picketing’, he says, ‘but a lot of what went on during that week was wrong – all that running through the streets. I don’t believe in charging the Pentagon either. Things like that just alienate people, especially veterans’.

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#21     The Chicago PD Red Squad was very active in monitoring and disrupting the left. Jeff was well aware and considered it wise to keep a generally low profile, avoiding publicity and sometimes moving VGI editing from place to place and even away from Chicago. Eventually the courts cracked down on illegal Red Squad activity.

Best Way to Destroy the Left

Prosecutor: What was taken from the offices at 1608 West Madison?

Red Squad cop: Mimeograph, typewriters, stamps, money, membership files.

Prosecutor: Why did you take the office equipment?

Cop: Well, the best way to destroy the left would be to destroy their press or their publications. [B & R Schulz, The Price of Dissent, ’01, p. 410]

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#22     CADRE people would occasionally help the VGI crew at mailing parties.

Police Infiltrated CADRE

           CADRE was an affiliate of the Chicago Peace Council, so whenever they had meetings, officers of the council would attend. Red Squad police infiltrated CADRE.

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#23     Tom Barton played a couple of key roles in the creation and success of VGI. He brought Jeff and Dave Komatsu, the dual engine for the paper, together, and he served as East Coast distributor.

 

A Third-Generation Union Activist

           A third-generation union activist, Tom Barton’s grandfather was a member of the IWW, and an uncle helped form a UAW local in Wisconsin.

           With the Chicago Branch of YPSL in ’63, Barton gained increasing prominence as an editor of Young Socialist Review and through his involvement in national committees.

           While Shachtman and Michael Harrington argued that the Socialist Party should realign to work with the Democratic Party and push them to the left, Barton became one of the leaders in the left wing faction of YPSL (along with Bob Brown, Marge Green, Walt Lively, Joe Weiner, and David Komatsu) opposing the realignment and favoring building a mass labor party.

           During the latter half of the ‘60s, Barton continued in the revolutionary vein and as an active participant in the antiwar movement. At one time, as East Coast distributor of the antiwar Vietnam GI, he assisted in sending issues to Vietnam.

   Working in the health industry and as a shop steward with Local 768, Health Care Workers, AFSCME District Council 37, New York City, Barton has remained politically active. A member of the International Socialist Organization, he has taken part in anti-globalization protests in 2000 and has been active in opposition to the war and militarism, publishing GI Special (later Military Resistance) and Traveling Soldier. He assisted ex-Iraq GIs in organizing Iraq Veterans Against the War.

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#24      Barbara Garson wrote the play ‘MacBird!’ and was a major West Coast activist.

GI Coffee House Near Fort Lewis, WA

        Barbara Garson, an FSM activist, and her husband Marvin were among the founders of the San Francisco Express Times, a radical counter-cultural newspaper.

        She also worked in the GI coffee house near Fort Lewis, Washington, helped in the publication of a base paper, and provided, along with her co-workers, psychic support for acts of resistance.

Giving somebody confidence was what we were about. When a person felt he was an organizer, then he had a purpose in the army.

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#25     Stockade prisoners at the Presidio of San Francisco refused an order in late ’68 and were court-martialed for mutiny in the spring of ’69. Although the refusal was not intended as an antiwar action, the Army’s harsh reaction effectively politicized it. Hal Muskat, who had been a major GI antiwar activist in Europe, commented on the trials in an interview with Gerald Nicosia in 1990. 

Best Thing That Ever Happened to the GI Movement

           The Presidio 27 was the best thing that ever happened to the GI movement – it put us on the front page. It made civilians realize that there were antiwar GIs within the military.

   Which was very important. Because the civilian antiwar movement was mostly middle-class, and we were working-class. So it was able to provide a bridge, and it was very significant, probably one of the most significant trials for that reason.

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#26     Early in the VN War, line soldiers resented the antiwar college students, seeing them essentially as self-serving draft dodgers, but as the war wore on, GI attitudes toward it began to change as indicated in this interview with an ex-VN GI.

How Did You Feel about the Peace Marchers?

           When I was over there a lot of the guys reacted negatively to them. They thought that these people were against them. After a while, they realized that ‘being in Vietnam’ was what was endangering their lives and that these people who were marching against the war were the only ones who wanted to get out of Vietnam.

        A lot of guys came around to supporting this sort of stuff.

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#27     Jeff generally shunned publicity – which he didn’t think good for his underground operation – but nevertheless it found him. From Esquire, August ’68. 

Flatly Against the War

           Unlike many returnees, he says he did not repress the whole experience; rather, he came back home flatly against the war. About the time Fred Gardner was dreaming up the coffee-house scheme, Sharlet conceived VGI, a monthly newspaper about Vietnam for enlisted men written in their language and in terms of their experience, pro ‘e.m.’ and anti- ‘lifer’.

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#28      Irving Marder in the International Herald Tribune described meeting Maria Jolas, spring ’72.  Earlier, Herbert Lottman of the New York Times described her similarly.

Stepped Out of a Delacroix Painting

           The woman who opened the door might have stepped out of one of those huge Delacroix paintings – a heroic figure of Liberty, Freedom, and/or Justice. Tall and handsome with a mass of well-groomed white hair, she gives the impression of radiant good health and vitality.

          Maria Jolas, one of the last survivors of the James Joyce Paris circle, is a ‘tall, striking woman with a shock of white hair’.

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#29       Jeff was invited to go to Paris for a war crimes tribunal, but was too busy and instead recruited Joe Carey. Jeff had arranged for him to have 60 of his combat photos professionally printed and mounted, and Dellinger provided the plane ticket.

A Familiar Figure on the Left Bank

          Joe was met at the airport in early July ‘68 by the militant rationalist and pacifist Dr Marcel Francis Kahn of the University of Paris Faculty of Medicine – Kahn had testified at the Russell Tribunal on the use of disabling gases in Vietnam. Joe went back to Kahn’s apt where he met Tom Hayden and the President of the North Vietnamese Supreme Court.

          With only a few hours’ rest, Joe presented 30 of his photos, including the headless photo, before the war crimes tribunal that evening in a small art film theater. Maria Jolas, whom he knew of from the Joyce bio, sat next to him on the stage and interpreted for him. Subsequently, Joe appeared at other antiwar events in Paris during the next week – alongside Arthur Miller at one event – and sat for press interviews.

          During this time, Maria Jolas wined and dined him. She was a familiar figure on the Left Bank as an antiwar speaker and rallier. Maria was also well connected in literary circles past and present – Hemingway, Sherwood Anderson, Kay Boyle, Gide, Beckett, James Joyce, and Paul Bowles.

          Joe spent some afternoons at Maria’s apt where she showed him personally inscribed first editions of Joyce’s work. On one of his last days in Paris, Mary McCarthy came over and they all drank iced tea.

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#30       Joe Carey described the antecedent events to his Paris appearance.

Would I Like to Go to Paris for a War Crimes Tribunal?

             I had moved to the Bay Area at the beginning of July ’68. Jeff and Davey hooked me up with Marvin and Barbara Garson. Marvin was publishing an underground paper – the San Francisco Express Times. Barbara had just written MacBird! They put me and my wife up at their North Beach apartment for a few weeks.

            Jeff and Davey called and asked if I would like to go to Paris for a ‘war crimes tribunal’ being sponsored by Laurent Schwartz, the famous mathematician. I said yes. Rennie Davis called, and I did a kind of telephonic audition to see if I was suitable.

            I needed to get a passport, and my birth certificate was in Chicago at my father-in-law’s house. I think it was Jim Wallihan who met me at the airport with my birth certificate. I flew to New York and took a cab to Liberation magazine where I met with Dave Dellinger. He gave me my ticket to Paris, and I got a rush on a passport and picked it up at Rockefeller Center.

            I flew to Paris and was met at the airport by Dr Kahn. He took me to his apartment, and Tom Hayden was there to meet me. I laid down for a nap, was awakened a few hours later, and had a meeting with the President of the Supreme Court of North Vietnam.

            At the tribunal that evening, Maria Jolas was my interpreter;  we sat next to each other at the podium. I flew back to San Francisco. It was there that Jim Wallihan was with me when I was interviewed by MI before the trip to Fort Sill.

           A couple of weeks after I got back, the three guys I had talked to over a 24-hour period on two continents had become 3/7 of the Chicago Seven.

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#31      Judy Olasov was a young student at the Univ of South Carolina when she hooked up with the UFO, the first GI antiwar coffee house. 

Turned Off by the Army, Turned Off by the War

           A 20-year-old former University of South Carolina coed, who has been working in GI coffee houses all across the country, said that the type of GIs we attract is turned off by the Army and turned off by the war.

          They are alienated from the Army. They can come here to a relaxed atmosphere.

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#32    The UFO outside Ft Jackson SC, set up by Fred Gardner, was the first GI antiwar coffee house. It evoked a strong reaction from the local authorities. 

We Check Them Every Night

           ‘The so-called coffee house is a sore spot in our craw’, said Thomas Fitzpatrick, executive manager of the Chamber of Commerce. He noted that Columbia had twice been designated an ‘all-America city’ and had a reputation to maintain.

            Ignoring cries of harassment, the police began making nightly, sometimes hourly, calls at the UFO. ‘We check them every night to see if we can get something on them’, said Police Chief L J Campbell.

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#33     The NYT described the UFO in Columbia SC.

The UFO Is an Oasis

           Besides committed folk singers such as Phil Ochs and Barbara Dane, the UFO offers underground newspapers. It has such antiwar, anti-Army papers as Vietnam GI on its shelves. All are devoured by the patrons.

          ‘Ninety-five percent of the people in the barracks hate the Army and oppose the war’, said Craig Johnson, a 21-year old Seattle airman who recently drove 45 miles from Shaw Air Force Base to the UFO.

         ‘I can express nothing but hostility for the military’, said Sgt William Tolan of Central Islip LI, also of Shaw. ‘The UFO is an oasis’.
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#34     Movement-’68 cont.

The Military Is Like the Class System

          You see, the military is organized like the class system in civilian society. The officers are the upper class and the enlisted men make up the lower class. In between are the NCOs – the lifer sergeants.

           The NCOs tend to come from minority and poor white backgrounds, and the military offers them more security than they can get as civilians. Their role in the service is to handle a lot of petty administration and harassment that the officers are too important to be bothered with.

          Like foremen in a factory, their job is to keep the troops in line.

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#35    Movement-’68 cont.
            
                      We’ve Received Several Thousand Replies

How has the response to the paper been so far?

  Really strong. Since we began we’ve received several thousand replies, many of which are substantial letters. For a while we wondered about the fact that we hadn’t received any hostile letters from enlisted men although we got a few from the Army and from officers. But in May we received our first hostile letter, and since then we’ve received three or four more.

  The majority of the mail is from guys in Nam, mostly line troops in the Army and Marine Corps.

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#36     Movement-’68 cont.

He Lost a Leg, for Nothing

            What we think is the real acid test for the paper is the response from guys in stateside hospitals who have been wounded, often badly. Ordinarily, this tends to make men bitter, building hostility to those opposed to the war because they’ve scarified an arm, a leg, a full life for it. The need to justify can be pretty strong.

            But we’ve gotten a lot of letters from the hospitals, like one guy who wrote saying he dug the paper and that he ‘lost a leg, for nothing’.

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#37      Movement-’68 cont.

Taking a Step into America

Exactly what do you mean by bridging the ‘experience gap’?

          Maybe it would be a good idea to explain just what the gap is, first. As it stands now the movement is mostly middle-class, but the larger part of our generation is not. For the most part, guys in the movement have spent their time around campuses.

           But the most important experience of the larger part of the generation is in the military, usually in Vietnam. So, that’s an important element in how people relate to each other, one that most people in the movement don’t share. What’s more, a lot of people in the movement don’t even understand it, much less share it.

           So, if the movement is serious about taking a step into America, it should take that step into that part of the society where a large part of our generation is.

          To do it, a lot of intransigent attitudes and fantasies will have to be dropped. For example, there is still a lot anti-working class feeling in the movement. This is often manifested against the ordinary GI, or by shouting ‘fascist’ at troops and Guardsmen.

            Now that ain’t communication. Also the concepts and language used by the movement are over-intellectualized and isolated from reality.

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#38     Movement-’68 cont.

Troop Revolts

          There have been a few cases of troop revolts or of mass refusals, like six Vietnam returnees at Ft Leonard Wood refusing assignments as drill instructors or like the Black guys at Hood who refused riot duty in Chicago.

          But the consequences of an uncool move can be pretty final. It’s not unknown for ‘agitators’ to get shoved out of helicopters. However, the usual response is that when the Brass wants to get rid of somebody they just put him in an exposed position, like point man on patrol, radio operator, or chopper gunner.

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#39     Movement-’68 cont.

Cut Out the Fascist Name Calling

           The movement must first begin to bridge that gap in experience, understanding, and communication that we talked about earlier. This doesn’t mean everyone should run down to their nearest Army recruiter, but people should begin to deal with their fantasies, get out of the easy bag of fascist name calling, and writing off working-class people.

           The movement must project that the fight is right here at home. It should orient itself toward GIs and ordinary civilians in its actions. Sitting around talking to ourselves doesn’t make it. If the movement wants to speak to most Americans, then GIs should feel welcome within the movement.

          We should take that step into America and not try to force GIs and everybody else leap to wherever the current movement fantasy is at.

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#40        As VGI  became widely read, not only in military circles but by Movement people as well, Jeff, as editor and as an ex-Vietnam GI, was frequently asked to speak to activist groups, often on college campuses. The text of his talk from April ’68 is typical of his efforts to persuade civilians to support GI opposition to the war. As Karen remembered him as a speaker, his voice comes through authoritative, informed, impassioned, clear, and strong. 


           As VGI  became widely read, not only in military circles but by Movement people as well, Jeff, as editor and as an ex-Vietnam GI, was frequently asked to speak to activist groups, often on college campuses. The text of his talk from April ’68 is typical of his efforts to persuade civilians to support GI opposition to the war. As Karen remembered him as a speaker, his voice comes through authoritative, informed, impassioned, clear, and strong. 

Build a Movement Within the Military

          Today in New York, upwards of a hundred Vietnam veterans will lead the march. In San Francisco, about 200 GIs from Fort Ord and several other bases in California are expected to lead the march there.

            In the past few months, I have talked to many returnees throughout the country who are also against the war. The point is that my being here and returnees marching in New York and GIs in San Francisco are not isolated examples in terms of antiwar feelings among these groups.

             Then what we must do is continue to expand the antiwar movement and reach out to new people. Several of us returnees have been working with GIs to help them build a movement within the military.

            We do not have to tell GIs that the war is not in their interests. Most of them know it already.

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#41      In his April ’68 talk, Jeff concludes by telling his civvy audience to stop criticizing GIs and start helping them organize against the war.

War Is Political Crime

           In my travels recently, I have run across very few GIs who believe in the war or who want to go. Their problem is they are trapped in an oppressive institution called the military, which allows them no reasonable alternatives.

          The Movement should stop talking about war crimes – war is political crime. We must try to reach these kids because the war will continue only as long as the government has a lot of willing cannon fodder.

           It still has the cannon fodder, but it is increasingly less willing to fight.

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#42     Jeff moved to Chicago in the summer of ’67 and became active in the fledgling GI protest movement that fall. He gave a powerful speech to an antiwar group either late that fall or very early ‘68, possibly in Grant Park. 

Why Are We Here?

           Why are we here? In Vietnam, this was our most common question. But our officers told us it didn’t matter. The military had trained us to just do our jobs and follow orders, not to question the government’s policies. In other words, shut up and stop thinking!

           Does the destruction of Vietnamese villages and livelihoods give peasants a taste of American democracy? We who took part in this nightmare thought not.

          Several of my buddies died in that tortured country. For what did they die? Did they die for the various dictators – the Kys, the Khanhs, the Minhs or the Diems? Is it possible that such men were serving the genuine interests of the Vietnamese people? I think not.

          Are American boys dying now just to bolster Johnson’s political position? Do either of these purposes serve the interests of the American people? I think not.

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#43       Jeff continued his strong antiwar speech in Indianapolis, emphasizing the counterproductive nature of our intervention. 

We Are Creating Communists

            Johnson said we were fighting aggression. But we were the only aggressors in Vietnam; it was a civil war and we were the outsiders, not the Viet Cong.

            Finally, there was the argument that we were fighting to stop communism. But every day, every month, it became more obvious to many of us that it was our presence and our actions that were creating communists, not stopping them.

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#44      Jeff concluded his Indy speech by forcefully arguing for withdrawal.

They Are Dying for Nothing

           For what, then, are American boys dying? They are dying for nothing. How can we support our boys still in Vietnam? We must demand that the government bring our boys home now.

          We must demand that the United States withdraw immediately from this insane and illegal war.

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#45     After his tour, Bill Jernigan was visiting Chicago, read about Jeff in the August ’68 Esquire, and rang him up. 

I Heard He Was Dead

           Just remembered that I found out he was in Chicago, and information gave me his number. Called him and we were going to get together, but it never happened. Then it seems like not long after that, I heard that he was dead.

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#46      Jeff sent Joe Carey to Paris where his hostess was the long-time American dowager expat, Maria Jolas, a towering figure at 6’4”. 

Mais, Mme Jolas, Nous Aimons Vous Voir

           Maria was cooking lunch for guests when the police came to her door and said she was wanted at the Prefecture. “I’m in the middle of cooking for lunch and can’t possibly leave just now. I’ll come in sometime tomorrow morning.”

           (June remarks: Of course, in France, the police would have respect for the lunch. For an upper-middle class American, Max might add.) The next day she went in and got royal treatment for the three-year renewal of her carte de sejour.

          “Look,” said Maria, “I am not going to live more than ten years, according to all statistics. So why don’t give me a permit for ten years, and save us both extra trouble.”

          “Mais, Mme Jolas,” said the official, “Nous aimons vous voir.” All on a high level of gallantry.

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#47     CADRE was the Chicago-based anti-draft group connected to the Quakers, whose members helped put out VGI. 

Leafleting GIs at Train Stations

   As Midwest coordinator for The Resistance, CADRE has three times organized National Non-Cooperation Days at which over a hundred Chicago-area men disaffiliated from Selective Service by returning their draft cards to the government.

  Some CADRE members have had considerable informal contact with men at the Great Lakes Naval Training Station and at Fort Sheridan. Leafleting GIs at train stations when they return to base on Sunday evenings is beginning, and an effort to contact National Guardsmen has been started.

  CADRE has been working in cooperation with several veterans who publish a newspaper for men in service (Vietnam GI, P.O. Box 9273, Chicago 60690).

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#48     David Zeiger, director of Sir! No, Sir!, was interviewed about the film and about Jeff. 

An Intimate Understanding of the Experience Inside the Military

          Q: One of the men you dedicate your film to was Jeff Sharlet, war resistance leader and founder of Vietnam GI. How was Sharlet so effective in distributing his underground paper, VGI?

          DZ: I didn’t know Jeff. I began working in the GI movement after he died. He had passion and the intimate understanding of the experience inside the military. He understood that intimate connection between the resistance going on in the military and the opposition to the war in the United States.

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#49       Tom Barton in his newsletter is fond of quoting Trotsky.

A Break in the Army

           The fate of every revolution at a certain point is decided by a break in the disposition of the army.
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#50       ’68, the year Jeff launched VGI, was a decisive year in the emergence of the GI antiwar movement.

From Individual to Collective GI Resistance

          Beginning in ’68, the frequency of individual acts of resistance declined, and dissent of a collective nature took precedence. It was also in ’68 that the defining traits of a social movement were first discernible. What had been uncoordinated and disconnected acts of resistance began to coalesce around an organizational framework.

          The organizational network was decentralized and segmented in the sense that a number of groups arose and operated essentially independent of each other, linked only by a common mission and communications network.

          Consciousness of membership and joint interaction were created by the GI press, including The Bond, FTA, Vietnam GI, The Ally – and by GI coffeehouses.

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#51     VVAW was organized in mid-’67, but it didn’t take off until ’68.

Tet Led to Rapid Expansion

           Until Tet, VVAW remained, according to Andrew Hunt, “an organization in search of an identity.” Tet shattered preconceptions, led to rapid expansion, and conveyed a new sense of urgency.

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#52      Jeff joined VVAW in ’67, and in ’68 co-founder Jan Barry helped launch VGI.

VVAW and VGI

          After Tet, VVAW soon moved to larger offices in New York and was closely associated with VGI, a national publication edited by Jeff Sharlet. Its maiden issue appeared in the month of Tet.

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#53     Country Joe McDonald reminisced on the year ’68.

It Was Difficult to Lead a Normal Life

           It was a year of extremes. People believed in dreams, but those dreams could turn into nightmares. It was difficult to lead a normal life. War, political upheaval, the only thing that thrived was the counter culture. But it was a good party year.

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#54    By ’68 the civilian antiwar movement was becoming frustrated with little movement toward closure on the war. 

The One Group Capable of Ending the War

           Feeling the futility of demonstrating and of working within the rigged electoral system, the movement and its press turned increasingly toward the one group capable of ending the war with direct action: the people forced to fight it.

           Liberation News Service’s ‘Special Issue on Soldiers’ gave prominence to stories from Vietnam GI and The Bond.

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#55    Tom Hayden had initially scorned the average Viet Nam GI, declining to offer funding for outreach. He changed his tune after Tet, and late in life he acknowledged the important role of the GI movement. 

Finally Ended by Vietnam Veterans

          The war was finally ended by Vietnam veterans, the civil-rights leadership, and a congressional bloc that woke up and took action. [The Nation, 1/30/17, 21]

          The GI peace movement … led the effort to end the war. [Ibid, 5, a front-piece]

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#56     Charles Gillis relates a story of GI opposition to the war.

The Place Erupts in Boos

           Vietnamization training at Fort Gordon GA, the last day. We 200 or so GIs were shown a series of propaganda films. At one point the image of Ho Chi Minh is shown … silence.

           A few minutes later the picture of LBJ is shown. The place erupts in boos and cat calls. I didn’t give it a thought, it seemed so natural.

         At the end of the series of films, the sergeant in charge brought it to our attention, not in a corrective way, but more just pointing it out. It was clear that we were not an anomalous group and that every group was doing the same thing.

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#57      In his memoir of ’65-’66, Phil Caputo recounts early GI thinking that the mission was unachievable. 

I Don’t See How We’re Ever Going to Win This

           This one sergeant of mine, Prior was his name, said, Lieutenant, he says, “I don’t see how we’re ever going to win this.” And I said, “Well, Sarge,” I says, “I’m not supposed to say this to you as your officer – but I don’t either!”

           So there was a sense, at least in my platoon and maybe in the whole company in general, that we just couldn’t see what could be done to defeat these people.

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NEW CONTENT 

#58      Several people told me in various ways. that Jeff was of the left but never in the left.

Never Joined Up

           Did you happen to know Jeff Sharlet who published Vietnam GI? He was around the Trot milieu but never joined up.

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